Russia is facing a deepening fuel shortage after Ukrainian drone strikes damaged oil refineries and energy infrastructure, with petrol availability falling sharply and shortages now reaching Moscow.

Monitoring service Gdebenz reported that petrol was available at only 28 percent of Russian filling stations on Wednesday, down from 41 percent a week earlier. Fuel restrictions, including purchase limits, QR-code rationing and odd-even number plate systems, were reportedly in place across most regions.

Petrol stations in Moscow have also introduced temporary limits. Gazprom Neft outlets capped purchases at 40 litres, while Tatneft set limits of 50 litres for petrol and 60 litres for diesel. Yandex Fuel data showed AI-92 petrol available at only about one in 10 stations in the capital.

The shortages have been linked to Ukraine’s sustained campaign against Russian energy infrastructure. By early July, every major Russian refinery had reportedly been attacked at least once, while nearly a dozen additional facilities were targeted during the first two weeks of August.

Facilities affected included Yaroslavnefteorgsintez in Yaroslavl, two refineries in Bashkortostan and export infrastructure at the port of Ust-Luga.

Russian Forbes estimated that damaged facilities now represent about 54 percent of the country’s refining capacity. Petrol output fell to between 75,000 and 80,000 tonnes a day in July, compared with estimated summer demand of 115,000 to 120,000 tonnes.

President Vladimir Putin has acknowledged the shortages while describing their consequences as “non-critical”. He said the attacks had caused damage but insisted they had not created a critical situation.

The Kremlin has taken several steps to protect domestic supplies. Russia banned petrol and diesel exports in July and increased imports from Belarus, Kazakhstan and other sources.

Imports from Belarus rose sharply during the first seven months of the year. Russia also turned to Morocco for the first time, with a cargo of about 30,000 tonnes of AI-92 petrol shipped from Tangier to Murmansk.

However, some imported fuel has reportedly remained at ports because of disagreements over prices between suppliers and Russian regulators.

The supply situation could tighten again in September when Belarus’s Novopolotsk refinery undergoes scheduled maintenance. Belarus exported a record 212,000 tonnes of petrol and 162,000 tonnes of diesel to Russia in July.

Retail fuel prices have also increased. Official data showed petrol prices rose 7.4 percent during the first half of 2026, while diesel prices increased by more than 12 percent. Some regions have reported petrol prices above 100 roubles a litre.

Russia has responded by ordering tighter price controls, with the Federal Antimonopoly Service opening 41 cases against oil companies over alleged violations.

The government has also authorised the production and sale of lower-grade Euro-2, Euro-3 and Euro-4 petrol for nearly a year, reversing restrictions introduced in the 2010s.

Authorities have also detained or fined some residents who publicly protested about shortages, highlighting the growing domestic pressure created by the fuel crisis.

Italy and Germany are facing renewed tensions over responsibility for migrants arriving across the Mediterranean, with Rome demanding financial contributions from Berlin over the number of people brought ashore by private rescue vessels.

According to figures released by Italy’s Interior Ministry, German aid organisations have brought around 22,500 migrants to Italian ports since Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni took office in October 2022.

About 42,300 people arrived in Italy aboard private rescue vessels during the same period, meaning German organisations accounted for more than half of all such arrivals, according to the Italian figures.

Italy also recorded another 4,500 arrivals on vessels operated by aid groups from other European countries but sailing under the German flag. Rome therefore estimates that organisations linked to Germany were responsible for almost two-thirds of migrant arrivals involving private rescue ships.

Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi has called for Germany to contribute financially toward the costs associated with receiving migrants.

The dispute has also affected discussions over the transfer of asylum seekers between the two countries. Germany initially planned to transfer three people to Italy who had entered the European Union through Italy before later seeking asylum in Germany.

Italy has indicated that it could refuse to accept them and potentially return them to Germany instead.

Under EU rules, the country where a person first enters the bloc can generally be responsible for examining their asylum application if they later seek protection elsewhere. New migration rules that came into force in June retain the first-entry principle but also provide exceptions and a solidarity mechanism aimed at sharing responsibilities among member states.

Piantedosi and German Interior Minister Alexander Dobrindt are continuing discussions in an effort to find an agreement, according to the Italian ministry.

Italy’s Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini has taken a harder position, criticising private rescue organisations and calling on governments in Berlin and Madrid to restrict the activities of groups that bring migrants to Italian shores.

Aid organisations have defended their operations by pointing to the dangers faced by migrants attempting the central Mediterranean crossing.

Italian humanitarian organisation Emergency recently reported that seven people died aboard an overcrowded boat off the Libyan coast. The group said 57 people were rescued, including two who were in critical condition.

German groups Sea-Watch and Resqship have also reported recovering bodies from the Mediterranean.

The central Mediterranean remains one of the world’s most dangerous migration routes. According to the International Organization for Migration, at least 872 people have died or gone missing along the route so far this year.

The agency says the figure is based on documented cases and may underestimate the true toll because some incidents are never reported.

The dispute between Rome and Berlin reflects a wider struggle within the EU over how responsibility for migrants should be divided, particularly between countries on the bloc’s external borders and northern member states where many asylum seekers later travel.

The European Union’s plan to connect Cyprus to the bloc’s electricity grid is facing renewed delays as geopolitical tensions with Turkey and uncertainty over funding threaten the future of the nearly €1.9 billion Great Sea Interconnector.

The planned 1,200-kilometre subsea cable would link the electricity networks of Greece, Cyprus and Israel and end Cyprus’s position as the EU’s only member state without an electricity connection to the wider European grid.

The European Commission has committed €657 million to the project and considers it strategically important for improving energy security and supporting the expansion of renewable power. The cable could also help Cyprus reduce electricity costs by allowing access to wider European power markets.

However, construction has been repeatedly delayed. The project was originally expected to become operational in 2024.

A major obstacle is Turkey’s opposition to parts of the proposed route. Ankara disputes Greek and Cypriot maritime claims in the eastern Mediterranean, including areas around Crete and Kasos where survey work for the cable is planned.

In 2024, Greek authorities delayed parts of an offshore survey after Turkish naval vessels were deployed near areas where survey ships were expected to operate. The episode highlighted the security risks facing infrastructure projects in disputed waters.

Klaus Dodds, professor of geopolitics at Middlesex University London, said Turkey views the cable as challenging maritime claims held by Greece and Cyprus. He said the project also reflects closer cooperation between Greece, Cyprus and Israel, a combination Ankara views with suspicion.

Turkey has promoted its own vision for regional energy connectivity and could favour a separate electricity link between its territory and northern Cyprus, which is recognised internationally only by Turkey.

The European Commission has maintained its support for the Great Sea Interconnector and said it has a strategic interest in stability in the eastern Mediterranean.

Funding is another major challenge. Greece and Cyprus have struggled to agree on how the project should be financed and how costs should be recovered from consumers.

Under the latest proposal, Cyprus would cover about 63 percent of the cost, or roughly €786 million, while Greece would contribute around €460 million.

Greece argues that Cyprus, as the main beneficiary and the EU’s last isolated electricity market, should carry a larger share. Cyprus has sought assurances that households will not face excessive costs before the project begins generating benefits.

Athens and Nicosia asked the European Investment Bank in April to assess the project’s viability and updated cost estimates. Additional funding or investors could be required if the original budget has increased.

The EIB said discussions remain ongoing and that any financing request would be assessed under its normal procedures.

The project is therefore caught between geopolitical disputes and financial uncertainty. Without progress on maritime arrangements and a clearer financing structure, the cable intended to strengthen Europe’s energy network risks remaining stalled for years.